Khamenei’s Rebuke to Ahmadinejad Gains Widespread Support

Shayan Ghajar

Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad Aug. 24 created four official positions of “special envoy” to serve as representatives of the executive office in diplomatic affairs, greatly antagonizing his rivals in other branches of the government as well as irking the Supreme Leader himself.

The Special Envoys would serve as ambassadors to different regions and countries, proxies of the executive’s wishes. In effect, Ahmadinejad created a parallel Foreign Ministry beholden only to himself. Much controversy has erupted over the appointments in recent days, with opponents in many branches of government launching scathing attacks on Ahmadinejad’s newest attempt to co-opt extant structures of the Iranian government for his own benefit. With friction between Ahmadinejad and the parliament already high, the latest stunt has only exacerbated the internecine strife while forcing Khamenei to try to reign in the controversial president.

Of the appointees, only one has extensive diplomatic experience while the rest have little, having been appointed by virtue of their influence in the inner circle of Ahmadinejad’s allies. Their official role as “special envoys” essentially mirrors the purpose of Iran’s ambassadors, despite pre-existing conventional diplomatic offices in Iran’s Foreign Ministry. Ahmadinejad is likely attempting to shift influence on foreign policy from the Foreign Ministry, influenced by but not beholden to the executive branch, to his own cadre of allies.

Mottaki, the website Enduring America asserted, submitted his letter of resignation to the Supreme Leader in protest, which the Supreme Leader refused to accept. Iranian state-affiliated news agencies later ran stories denying the account of Mottaki’s attempt to resign, perhaps out of anxiety that the publicity of the government’s latest family feud will reveal their current lack of cohesion.

In an unusual move, Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei entered the fray himself August 31, berating both the legislative and executive branches for failing to act professionally for the nation’s benefit. The legislative branch, Khamenei instructed, must support the president’s five-year plan for economic development. In return, Ahmadinejad should accept that he is not above “criticism” and to desist from creating redundancies in government which muddle issues of jurisdiction and legality, as well as fomenting divisiveness at a critical time for Iran.

Ahmadinejad cited Article 127 of the Iranian Constitution to defend his appointments, which allows a president to appoint special representatives contingent upon cabinet approval. However, the president’s jurisdiction does not extend so far as to determine the nation’s foreign policy—as Article 128 of the Iranian Constitution indicates, the appointment of ambassadors is restricted to the control of the Foreign Minister, while the president has only veto power over the appointees.

Former high-ranking Iranian diplomats and ambassadors have protested the appointments, while members of the Iranian parliament have protested the move in a strongly-worded statement issued Sept. 7. According to Mehr News, a semi-official news agency, 122 legislators signed a letter to Ahmadinejad decrying the political appointments and reminding the Iranian president that Supreme Leader Khamenei expressly ordered him to leave foreign policy decisions to the Foreign Ministry.

Both Manouchehr Mottaki, Iran’s Foreign Minister, and the Foreign Ministry spokesman Ramin Mehmanparast have also issued strong condemnations of the “special envoys,” amidst speculation that Ahmadinejad may make two more appointments shortly.

“Weakening the country’s diplomatic apparatus, especially at this critical time, at the hands of certain people in the administration, is akin to sitting on the same tree branch you are sawing off,” Mottaki declared September 6, according to Fars News (Farsi language), a semi-official news agency. The idiom “sawing off the branch on which you sit” is akin to the American saying, “shooting yourself in the foot.”

Mottaki’s comments followed on the heels of a major gaffe made by one of Ahmadinejad’s Special Envoys referencing the Armenian Genocide controversy, which immediately resulted in Turkey demanding a formal apology from the Iranian Foreign Ministry. Turkey is currently involved in mediating between Iran and the West in the negotiations over Iran’s nuclear program, making it an extremely important advocate for Iran in an unfriendly political climate

Meanwhile, the Foreign Ministry spokesman issued a similar declaration in a special statement, reported on Mehr News: “The Foreign Ministry should not be undermined,” the spokesman stressed. “The Foreign Ministry is the only body that makes final decisions and implements foreign policy.” The statement echoes that made by Ayatollah Khamenei last week.

Tabnak (Farsi language), a news agency affiliated with failed presidential candidate and former IRGC commander Mohsen Rezaie, reported that Ahmadinejad may appoint two additional special envoys shortly, one for South America, and another for Africa. If so, it would be a slight not only to Iran’s parliament and Foreign Ministry, but also to the Supreme Leader himself—a very risky move, considering the Supreme Leader’s costly support for Ahmadinejad in the disputed June 2009 presidential elections.

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