Babak

TEHRAN–The tragic events that have occurred since the June 12 election last year have shown that, despite widespread efforts made by reformist groups, Iranian civil society is still in its infancy, particularly compared with democratic countries in the West and even some developing nations. Many analysts interpreted the heated debates between presidential candidates last year and the energetic presidential campaign prior to June 12 as evidence that Iran has begun a process of political tolerance at the highest levels and indicated a sense of political ripeness beyond the expectations of many Iranians.

But the uncivil and rash reaction of Mir Hossein Mousavi, the main opposition candidate, in response to the election fraud and the brutal reaction of government security agencies, transformed the unrivaled democratic experience of the Iranian people into a violent clash between the two sides.

The ideological diversity in the reformist camp eventually led to the intellectual disintegration of the entire movement. There were two distinct groups: the radicals, and moderate reformists without any ideological orientation who have ties with moderate conservatives. These two groups had their own interpretations of the June 12 election and its aftermath. The radicals include Mousavi and his supporters, and the moderate reformists include figures such as former President Ali Akbar Rafsanjani and his Kargozaran Party.

Mousavi, for example reacted against the suspicious actions of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s supporters in the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) and the Guardian Council before the election and declared himself the winner on the very night of the poll with no documents in hand. At a press conference held that evening, Mousavi told reporters: “According to reports from our representatives at polling stations, I am the clear winner of the race.” After the election results were announced and Ahmadinejad was declared the winner, Mousavi said, “I am warning that I will not surrender to this manipulation.” But Mousavi had no evidence that he had won the race. He claimed he had election observers at the polling stations, but the Interior Ministry had expelled all observers.

The next day, Mousavi released a statement that began with a Koranic verse usually used at funerals in Iran. The verse means, “We are from God and we will return to God.” This was interpreted by many as a clear declaration that he had nothing to lose, including his life. This was the beginning of the irrational actions of Mousavi, which resulted in the severe repression and imprisonment by the state of reformists.

Now, one year after the June 12 election, the reformists have neither publicly nor privately begun to critique their failures. In fact, on June 10, Karoubi and Mousavi issued a statement advising their supporters not to demonstrate on Saturday, the anniversary of the election, because it is too dangerous. This contradicted their previous suggestions over the last few months that Iranians should protest. They obviously have failed to create a situation that would guarantee that the protests would be peaceful. Another reason they canceled plans for demonstrations could also be that they fear they will not be able to mobilize more than a few thousand people. A small turnout would make their movement look like it is in decline.

The lack of desire on the part of reformist leaders to actively engage with the government and reduce the tensions plaguing the political atmosphere in Iran are indicators that the same old trend of past years will continue. This trend will again center on personalities and will fall short of expanding Iran’s civil society by creating modern political parties, which is essential to begin the process of reform.

As reformist political activist myself, we have always tried to confine our actions in the rigid and quasi-democratic framework of the Islamic Republic system and at the same time criticize the orthodox and totalitarian hardliners. The main ingredient of this framework is the constitution.

When former President Mohammad Khatami was elected in 1997, he vowed to maintain the rule of law. But in these intervening thirteen years, what is apparent is the inability of the reformist side to act in a coordinated manner in implementing either its long-term strategies or short-term tactics.

It seems that this heavy burden falls once again on the shoulders of Iran’s youth, who have always carried the ailing body of “reforms” with great fortitude. It is time for the youth to replace emotions and street violence with peaceful and civil protests in accordance with the country’s national interests. This is of course the duty of all Iranians.

Babak is an activist in Tehran.