Jasim Husain Ali

TEHRAN/BAGHDAD—Iran wields a great deal of influence in Iraq, extending beyond their long common border, for two primary reasons: both countries have few friends in the region, and they reap great benefits from their close relationship.

Evidence of the rewards for both sides abounds: Iranian president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad paid an official visit to Iraq in 2008. He ended his trip with a $1 billion loan offer. Unlike numerous neighboring countries, Iran maintains a full-fledged embassy in Baghdad, plus several consulates, the latest of which opened in Najaf in September. Iran also has kept its diplomatic mission in Baghdad open, notwithstanding the 2003 U.S.-led invasion and repeated attacks by Iraqi insurgents.

One of the primary ways Iraq benefits is from the influx of millions of Iranian pilgrims to the holy Shiite shrines in Najaf, Karbala, Baghdad, and Samarra. As part of a deal between the two countries, hundreds of Iranian pilgrims are allowed to enter Iraq weekly to visit the holy shrines. Iranian pilgrims, some of whom speak Arabic, find at the Iraqi Shiite shrines a means of spreading Shiite teachings in a society that lived through restricted religious freedoms during Saddam Hussein’s rule, particularly constraints on the Shiite population.

In addition, Iranian consumer products are widely available in Iraq, particularly in the religious cities of Najaf and Karbala. Again, the availability of Iranian products partly provides economic opportunities for Iraq, which is short of all sorts of goods following years of economic hardships and boycotts. However, not all Iraqi officials are pleased with the availability of Iranian products due to security risks. A top Iraqi official told me when I visited Iraq in September, as part of a Bahraini delegation, that he found little sense for the imports of dairy products from Iran into Iraq—even though there is a shortage for such products inside Iraq. He feared that Iraqis would become dependent on the dairy products and then one day Iran might decide to restrict the supply.

Considering Iraq’s hostile relations with its other neighbors, it is not surprising that Iraq needs Iran. For example, Syria is accused of failing to control its borders from the flow of militants into Iraq. Also, Damascus serves as a refuge for Iraqi Baathists, who fled the country following the fall of Saddam Hussein. When our delegation met on September 4 with Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki (in part to offer condolences for the death of Abdul Aziz al-Hakim, leader of the Supreme Iraqi Islamic Council), he stopped short of directly accusing Syria of being involved in the attack on Iraq’s Foreign Ministry and Finance Ministry on August 19, a day known in Iraq as “bloody Wednesday.” Twin truck bombings went off, wounding 600 people. Iraq blamed the attacks on former Baathists loyal to ousted leader Saddam Hussein. As in Iraq, the Baath Party has historical ties with Syria. Another neighbor, Turkey, continues to anger Iraq by sending troops into northern Iraq in pursuit of Kurdish rebels in violation of Iraqi sovereignty. As a result of these troubled relationships, Iraq needs Iran.

Iran’s ever-growing influence in Iraq was put on display in July after Iraqi authorities decided to oust, or at least contain, the activities of members of the People’s Mujahedeen Organization, a leading Iranian opposition group, through a raid on their primary location, Camp Ashraf in Diyala province. The timing of the raid was significant because it took place not long after the United States transferred full responsibility of security in the cities to Iraqi forces on June 30. The raid served as a clear message to the People’s Mujahedeen that it is not popular with Iraq’s new leaders, some twenty years after settling in the country at the height of tensions between Iraq and Iran during the rule of Saddam Hussein.

Yet, the raid uncovered the good intensions of Iraqi rulers toward Iran. A good number of Iraqi authorities took refuge in Iran during years of exile, and undoubtedly found in the People’s Mujahedeen an opportunity to return the favor. The U.S. government had extended protection to members of the group during its control of Iraqi security following the 2003 invasion.

Dr. Jasim Husain Ali is a member of the Parliament in Bahrain and travels regularly to Iran and Iraq.