Editor’s note: InsideIRAN conducted an interview with an engineer and factory manager, who is located thirty miles outside Tehran, to get his views on the effects of new sanctions. He requested anonymity for security reasons.

Q: Who do Iranians blame for the dire economic situation in Iran?

A: People complain about the conditions. Bu they don’t analyze what has brought about these conditions. They blame foreign actors such as the United States and the United Kingdom. They blame the so-called imperialists whom they believe have cost Iran in blood and treasure. This class of Iranian society, which is a large class, does not find a domestic reason to blame for the economic situation and instead blames foreigners. They support government policies.

Q: What about recent U.S. and U.N. sanctions? Are they going to be viewed the same way?

A: Yes. They feel that is precisely the reason for the bad economic conditions. These sanctions and anti-Iranian actions that take place in the West are believed by the lower classes to be the main causes for Iran’s misfortunes. I can say the majority in Iran thinks this way, and this is not only a view held by the poor. Even some members of the middle class believe the same thing. They see these sanctions as the root cause of all evil. Very few people examine the reasons sanctions were imposed to begin with.

Q: Some people argue that sanctions would eventually create trouble on the streets for the government and would embolden the opposition. Do you think that the economic frustrations would ever turn into street uprisings?

A: I live in this society and I can tell you with certainty—from what I see every day at the factory and in the rural areas of Iran—that this will not happen. As pressure on the Iranian people increases, their reaction to the West becomes harsher and harsher. People will begin hating those countries that they blame for their misfortunes.

Q: What is the socioeconomic background of the workers at the factory you run?

A: Most of them come from the very poor segment of society. Their economic destitution is quiet apparent at first sight. The factory is about thirty miles outside Tehran and our workers come from the slums of Tehran, mostly small towns in the outskirts of the city.

Q: Is there a deep difference in views between those Iranians who work in management and those who comprise the lower levels of the factory in terms of political attitudes?

A: There is a huge gap. This is not something to be ignored. There are major cleavages: economic, social, religious, and political cleavages. Most people may not realize our economic difference right away, but they can easily tell, by the way people are dressed, that there are ideological and political differences between management and the labor force. Management and most engineers at our factory tend to support reforms. I am not saying they are for a certain political group or a political faction. They just favor some sort of political reform in the country. The labor force, on the other hand, is for the status quo. The do not want to see political change.

Q: But why? As you said, they are suffering economically. Why would they support a system that has made them destitute?

A: This goes back to their beliefs. These are not superficial beliefs, rather, they are well ingrained and deep religious beliefs, and these folks really believe in their ideas. They are deeply religious and this shapes their social and political views. They believe that someone who is religious and faithful can eventually succeed economically, politically, and be a more trustworthy person. A politician’s religious background is his winning card.

Q: What was the reaction of your employees, those from the working classes, to the aftermath of the June 12 election?

A: Some of my employees were members of the Basij and participated in beating up protestors. The vast majority of them, including those who did not participate in suppressing demonstrations, were in favor of the government’s brutal actions to quench the protestors. After the events of Ashura (December 2009) many months later, their opposition to demonstrations and protests became even more obvious. They thought their religion, the Imam Hossein and Shiism, was under attack. Some of them who might have had second thoughts about the government and the validity of the June 12 election started to support the government because they thought the protestors were insulting their religion. After all, it is my humble opinion that Ahmadinejad probably won the election. He won by a narrow margin, maybe 51 or 53 percent, but he had enormous support among the urban working classes and those in the rural areas.